MANIPUR PLAGUED BY INSURGENCY AND BLOCKADES OVER TRIBAL LAND TUSSLED

Tue, 31 Jan 2017-08:04pm , ANI

For several years, bitter conflict has been brewing in Manipur between the Meiteis, historically predominant in the valley and the Naga tribes inhabiting the hills, over the demand of Naga insurgent group National Socialist Council of Nagaland headed by late Issac Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah) (NSCN-IM).

Converting Nagaland to ?Nagalim, which denotes all areas in Manipur and even Assam and Arunachal where Nagas reside, NSCN (IM) demands 'Greater Nagaland' by slicing off the mentioned areas.

NSCN (IM), whose members hail largely from Manipur and from Nagaland also, has been in a cease fire mode in Nagaland and involved with peace talks with the Central Government since 1997.

While the Central Government has been assuring that slicing off of Naga residential areas mentioned, will not be accepted, the NSCN (IM) keeps popping up with this demand. If the Centre gives in to this demand of NSCN-IM, it will reduce Manipur by more than half of what it is today.

As it is, the state of Nagaland was created by carving out a substantial chunk of the erstwhile Manipuri kingdom, Kangleipak, which, included Kohima and Dimapur. The other tribal residents of Manipur are the Kuki-Hmar-Chin groups.

In October 2016, the Manipur government decided to upgrade sub-divisions Sadar Hills and Jiribam to full-fledged districts. This was followed by a decision to create five more districts. The Nagas are annoyed that the government took the decision on Sadar Hills and Jiribam without consulting them. They claim the government had committed in writing earlier that it would consult all stake holders, including Nagas, before taking any decision on Sadar Hills.

The Kukis have for long been spearheading a movement demanding Sadar Hills? elevation to a district. Chins-Hmars-Kukis are Manipur?s third largest community after the Meiteis (Manipuris) and the Nagas.

Last year, nine Kukis were killed in police firing in Kuki-majority Churachandpur district and the bodies were reportedly not claimed yet in protest. Nagas alleged that by elevating the Kuki dominant Sadar Hills to a district, Manipur government was trying to assuage the feelings of the Kukis and keep them in good humour in view of the 2017 polls. Nagas claim that Sadar Hills is their ?ancestral homeland?. They allege its elevation will now encourage the Kukis to claim it as their homeland. Jiribam, where Meiteis are in majority, was a sub-division of Imphal East district but in between lies Naga-majority Tamenglong district. Nagas alleged the decision on Jiribam was taken to benefit the Meiteis as it would be created by bifurcating Tamenglong.

While the Nagas settled on more than half of Manipur?s land, have much less population compared to the Meiteis, have nothing against the creation of five more districts, they are enraged over the decision on Sadar Hills and Jiribam and the United Naga Council (UNC) enforced an indefinite ?economic blockade? on two national highways ? lifelines of Manipur ? since 01 November 2016, thereby choking supplies. In retaliation, the Meiteis imposed a counter-blockade, preventing goods-laden vehicles from moving to the four Naga-dominated hill districts from Imphal Valley where they are in a large majority. Both blockades are still on.

The 15-year-old Congress government is faced with a resurgent BJP and a strong anti-incumbency wave. Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh?s announcement on 09 December 2016 of the creation of seven new districts from the earlier four valley and five hill districts, taking the total number of districts in Manipur to 16, is being seen as ruling Congress?s ploy to gain political mileage in the polls.

Tension between the Nagas and Meiteis erupted again as the United Naga Council (UNC) opposed the move, accusing Manipur of apportioning ?traditionally ancestral Naga land? to these to the newly formed districts.

The NSCN(IM) alleged that the violence against was sponsored by the CM himself and issued statement, ?The recent communal flare-up lit by Manipur Chief Minister Ibobi Singh by deliberately announcing creation of several districts by slicing from the land of Nagas without consulting the Nagas and targeting their lives through serial bombings is tantamount to attacking the whole Naga people. The Manipur Naga Peoples Front which has owned responsibility for the bombings is a puppet paid to serve the interests of Manipur?s valley-based militants sponsored by Ibobi Singh.?

While the current blockade is on, it is not the first. On 11 April 2010, the All Naga Students Association of Manipur (ANSAM),United Naga Council (UNC) and some other Naga organisations of the state launched a blockade of the only two crucial national highways (NH) of the landlocked border state to press for their demand to put on hold an election to the autonomous district councils in the five hill districts.

NH-39 runs from Manipur?s capital, Imphal to Dimapur in Nagaland and NH-53 runs from Imphal to Jiribam, Manipur?s east and its only railhead. On an average, at least 100 trucks and oil and LPG tankers drive up 115 kms of NH-39, which also happens to be a highway where militant groups almost freely collect ?taxes?? as the authorities pretend not to have seen them run their writ.

The third is NH-150, which connects Imphal via Jessami in its Manipur?s Ukhrul district, to Nagaland?s capital, Kohima.

On 3 May 2010, the Naga Students Federation (NSF) blockaded the Nagaland stretch of NH-39 because a student delegation was refused permission to enter Manipur to attend a meeting of Naga student bodies at Ukhrul.

The two blockades were also connected to the much-hyped visit of NSCN(IM) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah to his native village Somdal in Ukhrul district of Manipur. Though the Union home ministry had specifically instructed the Manipur government to ensure Muivah?s visit to his native village, Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh refused, contending that there were numerous cases against Muivah in the state,and the moment he enters, Manipur Police would arrest him.

Muivah, also ?ato kilonser?? (prime minister) of the underground ?Government of the People?s Republic of Nagalim, who also gets Z+ protection from the government. While Muivah, under the ceasefire with the government since 1997, is free to move about inside Nagaland, he wanted after decades to also tour the Naga-inhabited districts Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong ? because the NSCN(IM) wants a Greater Nagalim? that includes ?Naga-inhabited areas of not just Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh but also Myanmar.

On the Centre?s intervention, Muivah temporarily put off his visit to Somdal and under civil society pressure, the student bodies also finally withdrew their blockades. But, by then,Manipur had already undergone a 66-day ordeal, with stocks drying up and prices of whatever little was left skyrocketing.

The state government moved a few hundred trucks under heavy security through NH-53, a route that is not just longer than NH-39,but also nothing more than a dirt track in large portions.

But,even after the blockades were called off, truckers refused to ply on NH-39 till the authorities ensured that extortions were stopped.

Imphal based journalist, Yambem Laba, who this writer interacted with lamented that from ?Switzerland of the East?, Manipur can aptly be called ?Blockadepur? as all three national highways that connect Manipur with the mainland have been blockaded to pressurize the state government on land/district related demands. He further said,?By definition, Manipur has been called a ?failed state?.

Personally, I prefer the term ?functional anarchy? because, going by the events of the day, Manipur should have ceased to exist amidst the chaos and confusion that prevails when such blockedes are launched. How does one exist in a situation where onions costs Rs 60 a kg, potatoes Rs 40 a kg, eggs are pegged at six rupees apiece, petrol costs Rs 150 a litre and an LPG cylinder sells for a ?mere? Rs 2000? The going rate for a sub-inspector?s post in the police department is Rs 25-30 lakh and a supervisor?s post in the social welfare department is said to be available at Rs 30 lakh?. During the 2010 blockade, even life-saving medicines could not reach hospitals and ambulances could not ply, resulting in hospitals closing down their intensive care units and postponing operations?.

In one of his articles published after the previous blockade, Chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh was likened to Nero fiddling as Rome burned, as he was off on a jaunt to Japan with and an extended tour of Europe on the cards. But apparently he had to return post haste from Tokyo upon the Union home ministry?s directive. Then BJP national spokesman Prakash Jadavedkar was in Imphal too, demanded that President?s Rule be imposed in Manipur, citing the failure of the state to open up the highways and curtail the runaway inflation that is still plaguing Manipur.

NSCN-IM, also a major insurgent- turned- terrorist group of Manipur, has made a mockery of both the cease fire and talks without surrendering its arms and freely using them to extort money and commit murders. For two consecutive years, 2010 and 2011 and now in 2015-16, it caused months long blockades of the major arteries to Manipur as part of its attempts to consolidate its hold in the state; has unabatedly been continuing extortion and selective killings/ambushes; apart from its earlier links with Pakistan?s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) based in Bangladesh, it has links with the Chinese also as part of its ?business? of acquiring and supplying arms to Left Wing Extremists/ Maoists-Naxals.

The other terrorist groups in Manipur are United National Liberation Front (UNLF), Peoples Liberation Army (PLA)-both having links with ISI and Chinese intelligence, Kangla Yawol Kana Lup (KYKL), Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) Peoples Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK)-all Meitei- and some more, are also involved in extortion, recruitment of cadres including from school children and killings.

These are proverbially, few tips of icebergs. India?s much talked about Look East policy cannot succeed till terrorism is meaningfully contained and tribal issues are resolved .

What are New Delhi?s plans for this geo-strategically vital part of India?

The views expressed in the above article are that of Col. (Retired) Anil Bhat.

(This article has not been edited by DNA's editorial team and is auto-generated from an agency feed.)

 

President Ghani's second India visit promises closer ties | ANI News www.aninews.in By Anil Bhat Related News , aninews

President Ashraf Ghani’s Second India Visit Very Meaningful

Anil Bhat

Three visits in August, preceding President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Dr Mohammad Ashraf Ghani’s second visit to India pointed to the  possibility of an enhanced and new role for India in countering Pakistan sponsored/supported terrorism in Afghanistan.

General John Nicholson Junior, commander, Resolute Support Mission and US Forces Afghanistan, came to strongly recommended Afghanistan’s request for more attack helicopter from India. Afghanistan’s army chief, General Qadam Shah Shahim, visiting India from 29 August to 02 September, 2016 met three Services Chiefs, Union Minister of State for External Affairs, former Army Chief Gen VK Singh and National Security advisor Ajit Doval. He visited Indian Military Academy, where he met 135 Afghan cadets out of around 800 undergoing training in India, 50 Para Brigade in Agra and Rajputana Rifles Regimental Centre and National Defence College, both in Delhi. Enhancement of bilateral defence ties and military cooperation include increased training to officers and soldiers of Afghan National Army and assurance by Indian government of further military assistance to Afghanistan.

Gen Shahim’s visit coinciding with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry visit to India could not be a mere coincidence. Kerry’s and Nicholson’s visits are also indicators of a shift in the US mindset on Afghanistan. Till recently a major factor preventing the US from joining India or supporting its increased involvement in Afghanistan was of Pakistan being extremely “sensitivite” on this issue, to put it mildly. But things have changed.  US has withheld $300 million aid to Pakistan for not delivering on its assurances to end terror in Afghanistan. In view of this period being the last lap of the Obama administration and the following period being one of the new US president’s initial teething phase, US Defence Department may also be apprehensive about the possibility of Pakistan upping its ante in Afghanistan.

President Ghani’s visit on 14 and 15 September 2016, was marked by warmth and substance, quite in contrast to his first visit in April 2015, when  he had received a cool, if not cold, reception. At that time, Ghani was was seen as leaning towards Pakistan in a bid to improve Afghanistan’s security situation, hoping that Pakistan would use its influence to bring the Afghan Taliban to the table to negotiate peace in Afghanistan. However, as Pakistan’s post-US drawdown intentions became clear and more and more much Afghan blood got shed by Pakistan’s proxies in Afghanistan, Dr. Ghani gave up on Pakistan and tilted toward India, a move that obviously irked Islamabad.   As relations between Kabul and Islamabad declined  Afghanistan’s relations with India again improved and this time by way of frequent interactions between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Dr. Ghani on telephone and video conferencing.

At Rashtrapati Bhavan, President Ghani was presented a Guard of Honour prior to his meeting with President  Pranab Mukherjee.

Meeting President Ghani, PM Modi fondly recalled his visits to Kabul in December 2015 and Herat June 2016, the fruitful discussions then and in his other meetings with the President in Tehran, in May 2016 and in Tashkent, in June 2016. Both leaders expressed their happiness at the close and regular consultations between India and Afghanistan at all levels, which have served to guide their strategic partnership and strengthen all-round cooperation.

With a major part of the discussion dwelling on the challenge of terrorism, both agreed that the use of terrorism as a tool to achieve political objectives was “the single biggest threat to peace, stability and progress in the region and beyond,” and they called upon the concerned to “ put an end to all sponsorship, support, safe havens and sanctuaries to terrorists, including for those who target Afghanistan and India.” This was an obvious reference to Pakistan, who both have accused of sponsoring or supporting terrorism in the region - charges Islamabad denies.

India promised $1billion in development aid to Afghanistan and officials both countries signed three agreements, including a treaty that would allow them to extradite criminals, economic offenders and people linked to terrorist activity.

While President Ghani stressed the significance of the PM Modi’s assurance conveyed during the joint inauguration of Storay Palace on 22 August 2016 via a video link that 1.25 billion people of India firmly stand with the Afghan people, the latter reiterated India’s abiding support for a unified, sovereign, democratic, peaceful, stable and prosperous Afghanistan. Mr. Modi conveyed India’s readiness to consider further requirements of Afghanistan for capacity and capability building in spheres such as education, health, agriculture, skill development, empowerment of women, energy, infrastructure and strengthening of democratic institutions. Besides a sum of $1 billion, the Prime Minister also proposed to supply world class and easily affordable medicines from India and cooperation in solar energy through mutually agreed instruments.

It was agreed that the Strategic Partnership Council headed by India’s External Affairs Minister and Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister would meet shortly, review the recommendations of the four Joint Working Groups dealing with diverse areas of cooperation and impart further guidance. The leaders expressed satisfaction over signing of the Extradition Treaty, the Agreement on cooperation in civil and commercial matters and the Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in Peaceful Uses of Outer Space during the President’s visit. It was also stressed that expeditious implementation of the trilateral agreement involving Afghanistan, India and Iran, signed in May 2016, using Chahbahar will augment connectivity within and of the region. In this context, the leaders appreciated the recent decision taken by the three countries to convene a joint forum involving important stake holders, including from business and industry.

Both leaders looked forward to the resumption of India-US-Afghanistan consultations in New York later, very shortly due in September 2016. PM Modi assured President Ghani that India would continue to engage with the international community to assist Afghanistan in all possible ways and in this context, the leaders underscored the significance of the Amritsar Ministerial Conference of the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process (HoA) on 04 December 2016, as well as the Brussels Conference on 05 October 2016. They noted that the choice of Amritsar underscored the value of restoring connectivity and was in consonance with this year’s theme for HoA, ‘Addressing Challenges, Achieving Prosperity’. It also underscores that India and Afghanistan remain committed to the expeditious realization of seamless two-way connectivity between South Asia and Central Asia.  Mr. Modi extended an invitation to Dr. Ghani to grace the inauguration of the Amritsar Ministerial Conference, which the latter accepted.

Addressing seniors of Indian industry, President Ghani highlighted the trade and economic opportunities and potential of Afghanistan. His address to a select gathering of strategic experts at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) on ‘Fifth Wave of Political Violence and Global Terrorism,’ was indeed well appreciated.

Dwelling on the current global state of the ‘fifth wave’ of political violence, President Ghani termed terrorism as a medium term challenge. He called for a fundamental change in the regional and global response it through improved information sharing and regional understanding, increased state level cooperation, greater public understanding of democratic processes through debates and discourses, and greater role of civil society and businesses. Describing the ‘fifth wave’ as probably one of the “most well-financed movements in history” he observed that “in the absence of rules of the game”, and due to the willingness of some states to sponsor non-state actors, the phenomena has evolved over they years with deepened and broadened techniques. The understanding of the current political violence has largely been reactive, due to which global actions have been sporadic and not sustained, he observed.

Elaborating on the revolution in networking as a striking feature of the fifth wave, the Afghan president observed that the terrorist networks that previously used to be face-to-face or in small groups have now become face-to-faceless, resulting in a distinct form of mobilisation.

Political violence is not confined to a specific culture, religion or geographic space, and requires careful analysis. Criminality and political violence have become organically related, he said, adding that there is a distinctive form of violence that is inflicted on the citizens and that results in erosion of state authority.

Insisting that the minority groups should not be allowed to hijack civilisations, the President pointed out that the terrorists target public spaces to disrupt the compact between the citizens and the state. The objective is to induce fear in a systematic manner which effectively breaks the bond of trust between citizens and state.

Director General, IDSA, Jayant Prasad lauded President Ghani for his message of optimism and confidence that reflected the resilience, patience and perseverance of the Afghan people. 

Interacting with some of President Ghani’s delegation members this writer observed that this visit was a stimulating experience for them. The stage seems set for substantial up gradation of  strategic and         economic ties between the two historically close nations.                                                               

 

 

AGNI 5: A LOOK BACK AT INDIA’S MISSILE PROGRAMME

Col Anil Bhat, VSM (Retd)

Agni-5, a nuclear capable missile with the longest range so far, of 5,500 kms and described by India as a “weapon of peace”, was successfully test fired from Kalam Island off  the Odisha coast, on 26 December 2016,  by the Defence Research and Development Organisation  (DRDO). The latest in India's "Agni" family of medium to intercontinental range missiles, capable of carrying an approximately 1000 kgs warhead, with new technology for navigation and guidance, it provides India the strategic depth needed to contain Pakistan and China. It is also a fire-and-forget system that cannot be easily detected as it follows a ballistic trajectory.

This was the first test launch of Agni-5 missile after India became a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), a 35-nation group to check the spread of unmanned delivery systems for nuclear weapons. Congratulating the team of scientists behind the successful launch, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, "Successful test firing of Agni V makes every Indian very proud. It will add tremendous strength to our strategic defence."

With the Agni 1, 2, 3 and 4 missile systems, supersonic cruise missiles like BrahMos and some other missiles  already in India’s arsenal, it is relevant to take a look back at India’s missile programme.

The first missile of the series, Agni-I was developed under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Program and tested in 1989. The ranges of missiles in the series are Agni1- up to1250km, Agni 2- 2,000 kms, Agni 3- 3500 kms and Agni 4- 4,000 kms.

The launch of Agni 4 on 11 November 2011, placed India on a trail of new generation missiles. The comparatively light in weight Agni 4 with two stages of solid propulsion and a payload with re-entry heat shield, was the first to be used with composite rocket motor technology, which greatly enhanced its performance. Equipped with modern and compact avionics with redundancy to provide high level of reliability, the indigenous ring laser gyros-based high-accuracy INS (Rins) and micro navigation system (Mings) complementing each other in redundant mode, were successfully flown in guidance mode also for the first time.

The use of rockets and missiles in India dates back to the 18th century, during the period of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan. They used rocket artillery brigades against infantry formations for mass attacks. Men were trained to launch rockets from a launch angle which was calculated from the diameter of the cylinder and the distance of the target. The launchers could launch 5-10 rockets in salvo mode. Each of  Tipu Sultan’s 27 brigades had a company of rocket specialists. With such a huge force, he defended the Mysore kingdom against the British until his death in Srirangapatnam in 1799. Two of the rockets, captured by the British at Srirangapatnam, are displayed in London’s Royal Artillery Museum.

Even Marathas used rockets in the 1761 Battle of Panipat.

Indian rocketry, which ended after Tipu Sultan’s death, was revived in the 1970s by Dr Vikram Sarabhai and Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, among others. Defence Science Organisation, formed in 1956 for initiating studies and development of futuristic weapon systems, was headed by Dr B.N. Singh who formed the special weapon development team (SWDT) for study and development of guided missiles at Metcalfe House, Delhi. He worked on the first generation of anti-tank missiles for gaining developmental experience. SWDT later became the Defence Research and Development Laboratory (DRDL) at old Ahmed Manzil, Hyderabad in June 1962 under Gp Capt V. Ganesan as its director.

A project formulated at DRDL in 1964 was supported by the Army after the 1965 Indo-Pak war and was later converted to a “staff project”, which tested an indigenously developed anti-tank missile in 1970. It was considered as a major achievement by the DRDL, which later moved to the Defence Research Complex at Kanchanbagh, on the periphery of Hyderabad’s Old City. Later, some scientists in collaboration with the Army, Navy and the Air Force officers developed the Devil missile.

All the preliminary understanding and development of electronics sub-systems of the Devil missile, including its airframe and aerodynamics were carried out at Ahmed Manzil laboratory. Leading scientists like Burman, J.C. Bhattacharya, Admiral Mohan and Surya Kantha Rao gave thrust to electronics, navigation, guidance and control as well as telemetry and instrumentation areas. Dr Ranga Rao, Dr Rama Rao, Dr Bala Krishnan, Krishnan and Dr Achyuthan gave priority to airframe, structures, aerodynamics and system-related areas. This was further strengthened by the techno-managerial leadership of Lt Gen Dr V.J. Sundaram (Retd), Lt Gen R. Swaminathan and Sqn Ldr Shah in the area of airframe controls and integration.

Rocket Test House (RTH), near Kanchanbagh, was used for carrying out propulsion-related design and tests. The liquid and solid propulsion areas were continuing with vibrant leadership of Dr Gopal Swamy and Wg Cdr Sen.
Re-entry technology and ballistic missile programmes were spearheaded by R.N. Agarwal. The state-of-the-gyro test facility was initiated by P. Banerjee within the campus. However, the whole facility of Ahmed Manzil was shifted near Kanchanbagh in 1975. Full-scale missile laboratory (DRDL) was built from then onwards.

The Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP) under India’s defence ministry, began in early 1980s for the development of a comprehensive range of missiles, including the intermediate range Agni and short-range missiles such as the Prithvi ballistic missile, Sagarika, the naval version of the Prithvi (all surface to surface), Akash and Trishul missiles (surface-to-air), Astra missile (air-to-air), Nag missile (anti-tank) and also an inter-continental-ballistic-missile named Surya, with a range of 8,000-12,000 km. Managed by DRDO in partnership with other Indian government laboratories and research centres, one of the most prominent chief engineers on the project, Dr Abdul Kalam went on to become the President of India.

The last major missile developed under the programme was Agni-III intermediate-range ballistic missile which was successfully tested on July 9, 2007. After the third test of Agni-3 on May 7, 2008, the DRDO announced the closure of the IGMDP since most of the missiles in the programme have been developed and inducted into Indian armed forces. These were Akash, Nag, Prithvi, Trishul and Agni (as re-entry technology demonstrator).

General Knowledge Today has a longer list of missiles developed under IGMDP: Trishul, Akash, Nag, Prithvi Missile Series, Agni missile series, K Missile Series, Shaurya, BrahMos, BrahMos II, Nirbhay, Prahaar, Astra, Barak-8, Anti-Radiation Missile, Anti-Satellite Missile, Indian Ballistic Missile Defense Program, Prithvi Air Defence and Advanced Air Defence.

According to a statement to the media by Dr S. Prahlada, former director DRDL and CC, R&D (services interaction and aeronautics) and later vice-chancellor Defence Institute of Advanced Technology, Pune, new missile and weapon systems would be developed in new five-year programmes and to involve both Indian private industries as well as foreign partners to reduce costs.

Independently continuing further development of Nag missile, the DRDO is also developing a laser-based weapon system as part of its ballistic missile defence programme to intercept and destroy missiles soon after they are launched towards the Indian territory.

In 1998, the government of India signed an agreement with Russia to design, develop, manufacture and market BrahMos (Brahmaputra-Moscow rivers), a supersonic cruise missile system that can be launched from submarines, ships, aircraft or land. The mission was successfully accomplished by 2006.
At speeds of Mach 2.5 to 2.8, it is the world’s fastest cruise missile, about three-and-a-half times faster than the American subsonic Harpoon cruise missile.

BrahMos has been reportedly attempting a hypersonic Mach 8 version of the missile, BrahMos II, the first ever hypersonic cruise missile. According to DEFENCEUPDATE, 19 March 2016, the Russians successfully carried out the first test firing of a hyper sonic version of Brahmos missile in Russia on last Thursday. Russian sources indicated that the test was successful and the missile flew at the speed of Mach 6. However, they didn’t mention about the range and the mode of flight. While one version is that the Zircon will be used to develop the Brahmos II missile, another version is that  the Zircon missile itself is the Brahmos II. DEFENCEUPDATE further informed that Russia planned to replace its existing P 800 and Kalibr missiles from Russian naval ships and submarines with Zicron missiles and that Brahmos is also developing mini hypersonic versions of Brahmos II for offshore patrol vehicles and fighter aircraft.

Undoubtedly, Brahmos has emerged as an accomplished joint venture under the Make in India category and with countries lining up to purchase its products.

Reportedly, three BrahMos missile regiments raised so far have been deployed in the western sector to counter threat from Pakistan and in the second phase of military expansion along the China front, the government reportedly gave the go-ahead for deployment of BrahMos cruise missiles in Arunachal Pradesh. The fourth regiment of  cruise missiles, with a 290-km range, will improve India’s military reach into the Tibet Autonomous Region and counter China’s elaborate missile deployment along the Sino-Indian Line of Actual Control.

The Agni-6 is reported to be in early stages of development and the latest and most advanced version, is expected to be capable of being launched from submarines as well as from land, with a strike-range of 8,000-10,000 km.

Considering the problems India faced for decades in modernizing/replenishing its conventional weapons arsenal, thanks to politico-bureaucratic apathy and the sanctions/obstacles faced in reaching the MTCR status, its achievements in the field of missile and satellite technology are commendable. However, that must not make the national security decision makers complacent. They have to ensure that production levels are maintained, as achievement of such technology is meaningless without sufficiency in numbers.

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Looking back 45 years after liberation of Bangladesh

Vietnam Tribune (ANI) Friday 23rd December, 2016

By Anil Bhat

New Delhi [India], Dec.23 (ANI): Vijay Diwas and Victory Day were celebrated in India and Bangladesh in the week gone by with as much fervor as in the past. This year, 2016, marked the 45th anniversary of the conclusion of the 1971 Liberation War which resulted in the creation of Bangladesh out of what was then East Pakistan.

This year, Kolkata played host to a 72-member delegation from Bangladesh led by that country's Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal. It included the "Mukti Joddhas" (freedom veterans) and their families, and serving senior Bangladesh Armed Forces officers. Celebrations were spread over four days under the aegis of the Indian Army's Eastern Command. Mukti Joddhas who participated in the war, have been attending the annual reunion for the past 10 years and they returned home with warm memories of shared and spirited experiences of a time that was tense and traumatic for many.

Major General R. Nagraj, MGGS (Major General General Staff), Headquarters, Eastern Command said the celebrations recalled the sacrifices of about 3,800 Indian personnel killed and 12,000 injured in a war that eventually led to 93,000 Pakistani soldiers surrendering in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.

The event in Kolkata included a military band concert on the historical Princep Ghat, a magnificent horse show, parachute jumping and band display at the Royal Calcutta Turf Club for the public. On 16 December, there was a wreath-laying ceremony at the historic Vijay Smarak inside Fort William. The memorial was installed in 1996 on the 25th anniversary of the victory.

A look back at pre-Bangladesh history is relevant. A few years before the painful split of Pakistan into two parts - west and east -, separated physically by India, the Bengalis of East Pakistan realized that the oppression, exploitation and deprivation that they had suffered at the hands of the British, was back in the form of their West Pakistani 'countrymen'.

Some of the causes of Bengali discontentment were: East Pakistan being turned into a market to dump West Pakistani products; foreign trade being biased in favor of West Pakistani interests; the ruling elite allocated and distributed resources in favor of West Pakistan; between 1948 and 1960, East Pakistan making 70 percent of all of Pakistan's exports, but receiving only 25 percent of the earnings; no profits/advantages accruing to East Pakistan despite it being the largest producer of raw jute; Imposition of Urdu on a largely Bengali speaking East Pakistan population despite Bengali being granted official language status in 1956; the Pakistan government's failure to aid victims of the Bhola Cyclone in November 1970; Pakistan's refusal to accept an Awami League majority win and the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman (winning 298 seats in the East Bengal elections and 167 seats at the National Assembly elections); the Operation Searchlight genocide by the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan of over three million East Pakistanis, largely Bengalis, but also Hindus and Christians and rape of up to 4,00,000 East Pakistani women.

All of these atrocities and disadvantages prompted a band of determined East Pakistani Bengali youth to rise in rebellion under the banner of Mukti Vahini and aided and trained by Indian Army, became an effective counter to the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan.

The uncertainty in those times was compounded by around 10 million East Bengali refugees entering India during the early months of the war

India declared war on Pakistan on December 3, 1971 after the latter attacked the former's air force bases on the west, The war was fought on two fronts -- Western and Eastern, and East Pakistan was encircled within twelve days.

This war also revealed the great difference between how the Indian and Pakistan armies treated each other as enemies. The driver of a destroyed Pakistan tank captured by Indian Army personnel was cowering and when given tea by them. He broke down and cursed his officers and blurted out their misdeeds. In contrast, Lt. Chandavarkar, the youngest officer of the 45 Cavalry, was captured by the Pakistan Army, tied to a tree and for each question that was not answered, he lost a limb or organ. The JCO in charge chopped off his ear lobes, fingernails, toes, and fingers and finally gouged out his eyes before shooting him in the chest.

On December 16, 1971, Lt. Gen. Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, General Officer Commanding-in Chief of the Eastern Command of the Pakistan Army, signed the instrument of surrender at the Ramna Racecourse in Dhaka with his Indian counterpart Lt. General Jagjit Singh Aurora.

Air Commodore A. K. Khandker, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Bangladesh Armed Forces, and Major General J F R Jacob, Chief of Staff of the Indian Army's Eastern Command, witnessed the surrender. Also present were Vice Admiral Mohammad Sharif, commander of the Pakistan Navy's Eastern Command and Air Vice Marshal Patrick D. Callaghan of the Pakistan Air Force's Eastern Air Force Command. Lt. Gen. Aurora accepted the surrender without saying a word, while the crowd shouted anti-Niazi and anti-Pakistan slogans

The text of the surrender, now a public property of Indian, Bangladeshi and Pakistani governments, is on display at the National Museum in New Delhi, and reads:

The PAKISTAN Eastern Command agree to surrender all PAKISTAN Armed Forces in BANGLA DESH to Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA, General Officer Commanding in Chief of Indian and BANGLA DESH forces in the Eastern Theatre. This surrender includes all PAKISTAN land, air and naval forces as also all para-military forces and civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA.

The PAKISTAN Eastern Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA as soon as the instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA will be final, should any doubt arise as to the meaning of interpretation of the surrender terms.

Lieutenant General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender shall be treated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with provisions of the GENEVA Convention and guarantees the safety and well-being of all PAKISTAN military and para-military forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of WEST PAKISTANI origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA.

Signed

(JAGJIT SINGH AURORA)

Lieutenant-General, General Officer Commanding in Chief

India and BANGLA DESH Forces in the Eastern Theatre

16 December 1971

Signed (AMIR ABDULLAH KHAN NIAZI)

Lieutenant-General, Martial Law Administrator Zone B and Commander Eastern Command (Pakistan)

16 December 1971

An interesting and very ironic incident prior to the surrender mentioned in Hassan Abbas' book, "Pakistan's drift into extremism: Allah, the army, and America's war on terror", reads:

On December 14, 1971. Major General Rao Farman Ali and Lieutenant General A.A.K. Niazi, the military commander in East Pakistan, asked the U.S. consul in Dhaka (capital of East Pakistan) to transmit a surrender proposal to New Delhi. Before forwarding the proposal, the U.S. ambassador in Islamabad was instructed by Washington to get approval from Yahya. The foreign secretary. Sultan Ahmed, speaking on behalf of the president of Pakistan, gave the necessary approval. Yahya Khan did not have time to attend to this matter personally. On the eve of Pakistan's surrender he was giving a party in his newly constructed house in Peshawar." One of the few guests was Mrs. Shamim, known as "Black Pearl," the Bengali beauty who was Yahya's latest sexual af?liate and whom he had recently appointed as Pakistan's ambassador to Austria. As drinks ?owed, so did the affair go progressively nude? It was when the whole party was drunk and unattired, except for Major General Ishaque, Yahya's military secretary, that "Black Pearl" wished to go home. The president insisted that he would drive her personally, both of them stark naked. General Ishaque could not save Pakista, but he did manage to knock enough sense into the sizzled head of a fun loving president to put him into his pants. Thus coincided the housewarming of the president's house with the surrender in East Pakistan.

The cruel inhuman conduct of Pakistani officers of their troops was in sharp contrast to the manner in which Indian Army treated Pakistan prisoners of war (PsOW). The 93,000 Pak PsOW were totally surprised at the humane treatment they got in their POW camps in India, as promised before their surrender by then Indian Army Chief, Gen, later Field Marshal, S H F J Manekshaw. Twice after the 1971 war, he visited Pakistan for Delineation Talks. In one of them, at Lahore, as he was departing after being hosted by the Governor of Punjab province, one of the employees at the Governor's House placed his turban at Manekshaw's feet. In chaste Punjabi when Sam told him 'this turban should be on your head, not at my feet', the man emotionally replied that it was there to thank him for the well being of five of his sons serving in the Pakistan Army and all being held as PsOW in India, in humane conditions with prisoners pay, beds to sleep on, even when Indian Army personnel were facing a shortage of the same and provision to write letters home, which he was receiving from all of them. His parting words, much to the embarrassment of the Governor and Pakistani officials were '.we will never again say that Indians are bad'.

The views expressed in the above article are that of Col (Retired) Anil Bhat.(ANI)

 

 

Government cracks whip for second time in 26 years to curb anti-national activities

Source : ANI Last Updated: Tue, Oct 25, 2016 20:51 hrs

Anil Bhat New Delhi [India], Oct.25 (ANI): The Jammu and Kashmir government's decision to dismiss twelve government employees for indulging in anti-national activities and also its revelation that it is closely monitoring over 100 other staff members on similar charges is not something new. In fact, this is reportedly the second time in 26 years that such an exercise has been undertaken. Those sacked included mid-level officials from various state administration departments and teachers, some of whom were arrested, while others are out on bail or avoiding arrest. The Mehbooba Mufti-led PDP-BJP coalition state government has so far arrested more than 9,000 people for disrupting peace and detained more than 450. On October 18, for the first time in over a decade, joint teams Jammu and Kashmir and central police accompanied by the army, searched over 700 houses over a period of 12 hours in Baramula district and recovered seditious anti-India publicity materials like leaflets and pamphlets, national flags of the Peoples' Republic of China, letter heads of terrorist organizations, crude bombs and unauthorized mobile phones. While Pakistani flags were very common and even ISIS flags have been seen now and then, Chinese flags are a new addition. Forty four persons from ten sensitive localities, including Qazi Hamam, Ganai Hamam, Taweed Gunj, Jamia and other small pockets were arrested. On October 16, the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) issued a statement in Srinagar that, "lauded the people of Kashmir for showing steadfastness on the completion of 100 days of the so-called Intifada", which has claimed 90 lives and injured over 12,000 in violent clashes so far. The head of the hardline faction of the AHPC, S.A.S. Geelani and M.U. Farooq, heading the so-called "moderate" faction of separatists being under house arrest did not prevent the calendars continuously inciting people to hate and violent disruption being spread in the Kashmir valley. Here is a brief excerpt: 26 September, Monday No Relaxation, Non Resident Kashmiris' (NRK) referendum March. NRK's and friends of Kashmir Freedom Struggle March towards UN Headquarters and Indian Embassies all over world including Pakistan and Azad Kashmir on the day when India speaks at 71st UN General Assembly Session. Carry flags banners and placards with messages reminding world of promises of referendum for the people of Jammu and Kashmir ............ Back home, assemble and occupy all roads from11a.m. to 4p.m. and carry flags, banners, placards with messages reminding world of promises of referendum for the people of Jammu and Kashmir and highlighting war crimes perpetrated by Indian occupational forces in Jammu and Kashmir. Offer Zuhar prayers on roads..27 September, Tuesday, Relaxation from 6 pm to 6 am, Women's Day. Assemble and occupy local chowks and centers from Zuhr to Asr in the vicinity of your mohallas, villages and localities; Protest with flags placards and banners with freedom messages and slogans...28 September, Wednesday Relaxation from 6 pm to 6 am, Trehgam, Pattan, Hajin, Khag, Wakoora, Srinagar (North) (Shaher-e-Khas), Pulwama (central), Koimouh, Kellar, Pahalgam freedom march..29 September, Thursday, Relaxation 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. One day Azadi convention, Neighbouring villages and localities organize one day azadi convention from 11am to 4pm in respective areas, deliberate and discuss ways and means to strengthen the ongoing people's uprising ...Directions for all the days: 1. Protests be held across Jammu and Kashmir. 2. Shutdown across J&K on all days except the relaxation mentioned in the program.3. Public Vehicular movement not to be stopped after 10 p.m. to 6 a.m. on all nights. 4. Lockdown all the routes entering your mohallas, villages and localities by every means during night to protect people in general and youth in particular from the raids and arrests by Indian forces and J&K police. 5. Play Islamic and Azadi Taranas(songs) from Magrib to Isha on all days. According to local media, the "united Hurriyat" have run out of ideas to keep Kashmir boiling and quite confused, have issued a fresh protest calendar in October on the same anti-national lines as previous ones. People dealing with business in Kashmir have ridiculed the Hurriyat leaders. With no respite from separatists, people continue taking to the streets. On October 6, transporters publicly protested against S.A. S. Geelani in Lal Chowk saying he had failed to think of their livelihood and that their families were suffering from starvation. Business delegations have been visiting Geelani's residence requesting for extension of relaxation and restoration of normalcy. A delegation of transporters visited Geelani's residence complaining that he was only concerned about shopkeepers and completely ignoring transporters. Since July 8, when protests erupted, the Hurriyat had not announced a single hour of relaxation for buses, cabs and auto rickshaws. When some auto-rickshaws defied a ban, two of their vehicles were torched by miscreants. For the past three months the separatists have been issuing protest calendars, preventing restoration of normalcy in Kashmir. One of the definite aims of Pakistan Army/Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), implemented through its lackeys, the separatists, has been to paralyse education. Generating large scale rioting by public and particularly youth in Kashmir Valley, the separatists and their network yet again not only shut down schools, but had six schools burnt by the agitators - three at Anantnag and one each at Ganderbal, Shopian and Bandipora. Most of the scorched schools are primary schools except for the Abu Hanifa Complex Public School, begun in 1974, which during the previous academic year, functioned for only 215 days. × It is indeed most ironic that leave alone ensuring that education is not disrupted, a sinister process of radicalizing youth, which should have been nipped in the bud, but instead was allowed to fester, causing irreparable damage to education. Earlier, owing to frequent imposition of close-downs ordered by the separatists, on an average, two/three days in a week most institutions remained closed, causing discontinuity in the education process. The current year, 2016, has been the worst, with a loss of tens of thousands of education-days owing to these protests/rioting and resultant curfews. This figure multiplied by the number of students in the valley with the number of days lost, will be alarmingly high. Add to that the loss caused by the schools which were burnt as well as the time and effort required to rebuild them. Every Kashmiri separatist leader's daughter or son is rich and safe, outside Kashmir. For them, Jihad is meant for other people's sons. The only schools which ran uninterruptedly in the affected parts of the valley are 30 of the 46 Army Goodwill Schools (AGS) established in J&K by the Army as part of its civic assistance programme, Sadbhavna, since the early 1990s. In parts of J&K where the AGS are functioning, there is good rapport between the Army and the local populace. The setting up of AGS was preceded by a scheme of the Army sponsoring students from poor backgrounds and remote locations in J&K to Army schools in other states, most notable among them being Army Public School (APS), Beas, Punjab. In this APS, Army has sponsored 60 students of J&K- 26 from Leh region, 30 from the Valley and four from the Jammu region. Comprising both boys and girls, these students, from classes 6th to 9th, are getting uninterrupted quality education in a healthy and competitive environment and at absolutely no cost to the parents. Another noteworthy example is APS, Udhampur, in the hostel of which, 26 boys from various regions of the State are being housed and educated. Among them is the last 10th class topper, Sunak Singh, who was adopted by the Army after his father was mercilessly gunned down by terrorists in 2001. With the rioting reducing considerably, the Army in J&K is trying wherever possible to assist schools in re-starting and encouraging children to resume attending schools, even as many parents who can afford to, are sending their children out of J&K, or at least out of the valley. The Army has also launched a campaign on Twitter, Hashtag #School Chalo, which has been catching on. The government now needs to be innovative. It must use the same social media which has been misused by the ISI and separatists for radicalizing Kashmiri youth and try to turn the tide. Having interviewed many Kashmiri children brought on all-India tours by the Army and BSF over the past two decades, one can say that all is not lost and there is hope for retrieval. There should be a sustained campaign on social media with visuals post 1947 history, of Pakistan military's barbaric suppression of hapless people of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and Balochistan and other aspects to drive home to Kashmiris of the affected valley districts about how Pakistan and Kashmiri separatists are ruining their lives. Chief Minister Mehbooba, lashed out at the separatists and has finally begun acting against them. At least Yasin Malik and Aasiya Andrabi are in jail. Her message to youth is sane and touching-"We can't force someone to talk by throwing stones on them. If we need a dialogue, we have to stop militancy..If we can hand them a bat or a ball instead of guns... " It needs to be added yet again that no matter what is done, there will be no lasting peace in J&K till, literally, the separatists are not separated from the people. The views expressed in the above article are that of Col (Retired) Anil Bhat. (ANI)

 

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